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Here, too, they sometimes failed. The significance of the insider/outsider distinction in this context may be understood in this way: from the point of view of the state, an outsider was further from the locus of value-the emperor and the state that protected the kokutai-than an insider, and perhaps more susceptible to heretical claims. The ideological offenses of outsiders were thus less tol· crable, because they were more dangerous: with less status to lose, politically dissident outsiders were far more prone to organize.

Rather, the state remained in crisis because of that ascendancy. Fo r although party power per se had ebbed in the early 19305, no new political actor had come to the fore with strength sufficient to control all the elements-in the military, indusrry and finance, the panies, peerage, and bureaucracy-that had ranged themselves to the "right" in the Taisho rearrangement. The end of party government was the fulcrum, not the conclusion, of the crisis. For other vestiges of liberalism remained subject to attack by "renovationist" forces in sometime alliance with segments of the bureaucracy and peerage.

We may imagine that there was no o ne, outside of the few genuine fanatics in the general population, who did not wish 32 Introduction to survive the unnatural-became-natural condition of total war. One did what one had to do; nothing more or less. The public man's work, however, was verbal and ideological, and, in the case of insiders especially, was underlain by an ethic of o rganizational service. Thus every statement had to he weighed, its effects calculated. Responsibility cut hoth ways. For the unenthusiastic, as we remarked, some way of saying "no" while saying "yes" had to he worked out.

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