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By Gerard Laumon, L. Moret-Bailly

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My knowledge of the Eastern region comes mainly from my work with speakers in Tat Deh, from conversations with Hupd’h from those regions who arrived in Tat Deh and in Barreira Alta on visits, and from a visit to the village of Cabari Santa Cruz / Pij Deh in the Eastern dialect region. I also visited all of the villages along the middle Tiquié River that represent the Central region (Nova Esperança / B’oy Deh, Cruzeiro / Paya/ Deh, Imbaúba / B’ab’a/ Deh, and Nova Fundação / PN Deh). My knowledge of the Western dialect is limited to data collected during a week spent in the village of Umari Norte / PQj J’h Deh) on the upper Tiquié River.

11 According to male ethnographers such as Reichel-Dolmatoff (1978: 5), these instruments are fashioned from strips of bark, twisted into a spiral to form long funnel-shaped instruments, with mouthpieces of black hardwood. According to the Hupd’h, each trumpet ernbodies the spirit of an ancestral figure, whose voice is heard when it is played. The trumpets are typically associated with the wild fruits or wild game intended for a dabacuri, and (in my experience) they are played initially in the forest as the men bring the offering into the village, and then in the village itself for several hours, while the women hide in the forest or in an enclosed hut.

This underscores the difficulty in assessing mutual intelligibility among the Vaupés languages on the basis of native speakers’ own reports. Sorensen (1967), Grimes (1985), Aikhenvald (2002a), and others have reported on the strictness of Vaupés Indians’ evaluation of competence in a language; people do not typically admit to ‘knowing’ or ‘speaking’ a language unless they have an almost native-speaker fluency, and will often switch to the lingua franca (Tukano) if uncomfortable. 4. The cultural context of the Hupd’ h In this section, I give a brief overview of some aspects of Hup culture.

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