By Nau, Henry R.; Jefferson, Thomas; Truman, Harry S.; Reagan, Ronald; Polk, James Knox
Debates approximately U.S. international coverage have revolved round 3 major traditions--liberal internationalism, realism, and nationalism. during this e-book, wonderful political scientist Henry Nau delves deeply right into a fourth, missed international coverage culture that he calls "conservative internationalism." This procedure spreads freedom, like liberal internationalism; fingers international relations, like realism; and preserves nationwide sovereignty, like nationalism. It ambitions an international of constrained govt or self sufficient "sister republics," now not an international of serious strength concert events or centralized foreign institutions.
Nau explores conservative internationalism within the international regulations of Thomas Jefferson, James Polk, Harry Truman, and Ronald Reagan. those presidents did greater than any others to extend the arc of freedom utilizing a deft mix of strength, international relations, and compromise. in view that Reagan, presidents have swung from side to side one of the major traditions, overreaching lower than Bush and now retrenching below Obama. Nau demonstrates that conservative internationalism deals an alternate manner. It pursues freedom yet no longer all over the place, prioritizing occasions that border on latest unfastened countries--Turkey, for instance, instead of Iraq. It makes use of lesser strength early to persuade negotiations instead of higher strength later after negotiations fail. And it reaches well timed compromises to profit army leverage and maintain public support.
A groundbreaking revival of a overlooked international coverage culture, Conservative Internationalism exhibits how the U.S. can successfully maintain international management whereas respecting the limitations of public will and fabric resources.
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Additional info for Conservative internationalism : armed diplomacy under Jefferson, Polk, Truman, and Reagan
Classical liberalism eroded the traditional authority of the church and the natural aristocracy of monarchy and philosopher kings. 27 But it also opened up the specter of radicalism—unchecked individual appetites and 18 • Chapter 1 unbridled human reasoning. Individuals were now free to create their own oppressive ideas and institutions. In Europe, classical liberalism succumbed to two extremes. Continental liberalism embraced rationalist dogma and became radical. It produced the god-less, man-made utopias of socialism and communism.
But leadership today, it is often argued, has become more difficult because foreign policy has become more polarized. From the early 1940s until the early 1970s, party politics stopped at the water’s edge. Demo crats (Roosevelt, Truman, Kennedy, and Johnson) and Republicans (Eisenhower and Nixon) supported a forward-based policy to defeat fascism and contain the Soviet Union. The underlying logic of containment was a combination of liberal internationalism (freedom) and realism (deterrence). But the Truman-inspired postwar consensus, while conservative compared to Roosevelt’s liberal internationalism, ended in Vietnam.
While both advances, franchise and constitutional, went beyond what existed in England at the time, they were not radical. The American Revolution conserved as much as it changed, legitimating progress by precedent rather than by dogma. ”7 Either way, whether all Americans are liberals or conservatives, America’s traditions reject political extremes. Indeed, once we define these traditions, we see that they collaborate to rule out radical outcomes. In America, liberals and conservatives compete for the center of the political spectrum, not the polar extremes.